Top 50+ Vladimir Lenin Quotes


Who is Vladimir Lenin

Lenin, the Russian revolutionary and politician was born Vladimir Ilyich Ulyanov on the 22nd April 1870 and died on the 21st January 1924. Lenin was drawn to socialism from an early age, driven by the execution of his brother, earning a law degree before moving into activism for the Marxist movement. Years of being exiled and moving to Western Europe led to him becoming a leading Bolshevik and after the 1917 revolution against the Tsar of Russia, he returned to lead the October Revolution and help the Bolsheviks into power.

By 1918, his government had created the central power block of the Communist party and proceeded to redistribute land and nationalise major industry. In the subsequent years, Lenin was known for his suppression of opponents, fights against anti-bolshevik armies and returning nations to the wider Soviet Union. Lenin suffered from poor health and upon his death, Stalin became in effect, the leader of the Soviet Union

Lenin is now viewed as an incredibly influential person in the 20th century, influencing the policies of communism for decades after his death. His supporters see him as an ideological icon and critics highlight his oppression and violent response to dissent.

Vladimir Lenin Quotes

1. Freedom in capitalist society always remains about the same as it was in ancient Greek republics: Freedom for slave owners.

2. There are decades where nothing happens; and there are weeks where decades happen.

3. Despair is typical of those who do not understand the causes of evil, see no way out, and are incapable of struggle.

4. A lie told often enough becomes the truth.

5. Without Revolutionary theory, there can be no Revolutionary Movement.

6. Give me just one generation of youth, and I’ll transform the whole world.

7. Can a nation be free if it oppresses other nations? It cannot.

8. Sometimes – history needs a push.

9. The best way to control the opposition is to lead it ourselves.

10. Unity is a great thing and a great slogan. But what the workers’ cause needs is the unity of Marxists, not unity between Marxists, and opponents and distorters of Marxism.

11. During the lifetime of great revolutionaries, the oppressing classes constantly hounded them, received their theories with the most savage malice, the most furious hatred and the most unscrupulous campaigns of lies and slander. After their death, attempts are made to convert them into harmless icons, to canonize them, so to say, and to hallow their names to a certain extent for the “consolation” of the oppressed classes and with the object of duping the latter, while at the same time robbing the revolutionary theory of its substance, blunting its revolutionary edge and vulgarizing it.

12. When a liberal is abused, he says, ‘Thank God they didn’t beat me.’ When he is beaten, he thanks God they didn’t kill him. When he is killed, he will thank God that his immortal soul has been delivered from its mortal clay.

13. The way to crush the bourgeoisie is to grind them between the millstones of taxation and inflation.

14. The Capitalists will sell us the rope with which we will hang them.

15. While the State exists, there can be no freedom. When there is freedom there will be no State.

16. Imperialism: The final stage of Capitalism.

17. The goal of Socialism is Communism.

18. I can’t listen to music too often. It affects your nerves, makes you want to say stupid nice things and stroke the heads of people who could create such beauty while living in this vile hell.

19. It is more pleasant and useful to go through the ‘experience of the revolution’ than to write about it.

20. Medicine is the keystone of the arch of socialism.

21. There are no morals in politics; the is only experience. A scoundrel may be of use because he is a scoundrel

22. Every society is three meals away from chaos

23. Whenever the cause of the people is entrusted to professors, it is lost.

24. We are not utopians, we do not “dream” of dispensing at once with all administration, with all subordination. These anarchist dreams, based upon incomprehension of the tasks of the proletarian dictatorship, are totally alien to Marxism, and, as a matter of fact, serve only to postpone the socialist revolution until people are different. No, we want the socialist revolution with people as they are now, with people who cannot dispense with subordination, control, and “foremen and accountants

25. All official and liberal science defends wage-slavery, whereas Marxism has declared relentless war on that slavery.

26. The intellectual forces of the workers and peasants are growing and getting stronger in their fight to overthrow the bourgeoisie and their accomplices, the educated classes, the lackeys of capital, who consider themselves the brains of the nation. In fact they are not its brains but its shit.

27. Revolution can never be forecast; it cannot be foretold; it comes of itself. Revolution is brewing and is bound to flare up.

28. Attention, must be devoted principally to raising the workers to the level of revolutionaries; it is not our task to descend to the level of the ‘working masses’.

29. Three keys to success: read, read, read.

30. Human knowledge is not (or does not follow) a straight line, but a curve, which endlessly approximates a series of circles, a spiral. Any fragment, segment, section of this curve can be transformed (transformed one-sidedly) into an independent, complete, straight line, which then (if one does not see the wood for the trees) leads into the quagmire, into clerical obscurantism (where it is anchored by the class interests of the ruling classes).

31. Communism is Soviet power plus the electrification of the whole country.

32. Exchange, fair or unfair,always presupposes and includes the rule of the bourgeoisie.

33. Capitalists can buy themselves out of any crisis, so long as they make the workers pay

34. The task of a truly revolutionary party is not to declare that it is impossible to renounce all compromises, but to be able, through all compromises, when they are unavoidable, to remain true to its principles, to its class, to its revolutionary purpose, to its task of paving the way for revolution and educating the mass of the people for victory in the revolution.

35. The revolution does not need historians.

36. It is true that liberty is precious; so precious that it must be carefully rationed.

37. All over the world, wherever there are capitalists, freedom of the press means freedom to buy up newspapers, to buy writers, to bribe, buy and fake “public opinion” for the benefit of the bourgeoisie.

38. The feminine section of the proletarian army is of particularly great significance… the success of a revolution depends on the extent to which women take part in it.

39. America, like a few other nations, has become characteristic for the depth of the abyss that divide a handful of brutal millionaires who are stagnating in a mire of luxury, and millions of laboring starving men and women who are always staring want in the face.

40. One man with a gun can control a hundred without one.

41. He loved her with the fire of a thousand suns, she was his solace in the chaos, his redemption.

42. And is it not sects, bodies of definite, uncompromising principles, that lead us into revolutions?

43. The departments are shit; decrees are shit.

44. The roots of modern religion are deeply embedded in the social oppression of the working masses.

45. The bourgeoisie are today evading taxation by bribery and through their connections; we must close all loopholes.

46. It is necessary sometimes to take one step backward to take two steps forward.

47. This transformation of competition into monopoly is one of the most important—if not the most important—phenomena of modern capitalist economy,

48. Official science tried, by a conspiracy of silence, to kill the works of Marx, who by a theoretical and historical analysis of capitalism had proved that free competition gives rise to the concentration of production, which, in turn, at a certain stage of development, leads to monopoly

49. At the basis of these swindles and manipulations lies socialised production; but the immense progress of humanity, which achieved this socialisation, goes to benefit the speculators.

50. Logic is the science not of external forms of thought, but of the laws of development “of all material, natural and spiritual things”, i.e., of the development of the entire concrete content of the world and of its cognition, i.e., the sum-total, the conclusion of the History of knowledge of the world.

51. I particularly approve of and welcome the arrest of millionaire saboteurs in the first and second-class railway carriage.

52. Revolution consists not in the new class commanding, governing with the aid of the old state machine, but in this class smashing this machine and commanding, governing with the aid of a new machine.

53. Thus, the twentieth century marks the turning-point from the old capitalism to the new, from the domination of capital in general to the domination of finance capital.

54. I am bound to accord you, in the name of free speech, the full right to shout, lie and write to your heart’s content. But you are bound to grant me, in the name of freedom of association, the right to enter into, or withdraw from, association with people advocating this or that view.

55. Thus the Labour Party is a ‘capitalist workers’ party’.

56. In the history of modern socialism this is a phenomenon, that the strife of the various trends within the socialist movement has from national become international.

57. Why should we bother to reply to Kautsky? He would reply to us, and we would have to reply to his reply. There’s no end to that. It will be quite enough for us to announce that Kautsky is a traitor to the working class, and everyone will understand everything.

58. Complete self-government for the province [gubernia and region], district and community through bureaucrats elected by universal suffrage; the abolition of all local and provincial authorities appointed by the state.

59. Our party, like any other political party, strives for political supremacy for itself.

60. It is not surprising that the author is driven to the conclusion that “the French Republic is a financial monarchy”; “it is the complete domination of the financial oligarchy; the latter dominates over the press and the government.


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